In some countries of the so-called Arab region, there are things that are declared but not practiced, and things that are practiced but not declared,There is a fake, undeclared sectarian quota in some areas, but it is practiced in other areas, The sectarian quota is built on false numerical foundations, as believers are counted, not citizens, The concept of “justice” is inserted into the principle of quotas to divide political power on a sectarian basis that is said to be fair.
We will compare sectarian power-sharing, or “justice,” with the problem of sectarian tyranny or “injustice,” that is, domination and exploitation without power-sharing and without that distorted and dubious justice, The Al Julani groupe today, as it claims, represents an Umayyad body with the head and mind of Ibn Taymiyyah, Being Umayyad-Taymiyyah, theAl Julani systeme representing sectarian injustice, differs from the Assad regime, which represents a distorted type of sectarian justice characterized by a superficial, formal kind of participation. That is, it shared power with the other sects partially and in some areas because its monopoly as a minority was difficult, It found in some members of the Umayyad sect henchmen working in service of its criminal tendencies, These tendencies were not, in reality, religious or based on religious philosophy, but rather familial, regional, and rentier-based, Thus, the Assad regime was able to continue for about half a century, compared to the group of sectarian injustice Al Julani who will not last half a century in power, After less than two years of theAl Julani rule, it appears threatened by those who came Because it was the only group that possessed a relatively large and compliant military force.
In general, sectarian injustice is considered the Al Julani primary disease, which must be treated with another disease, namely sectarian justice, The development of events must be reversed, meaning that the Assad regime’s “fair!” quota system should be a temporary cure for the Al Julani and the sectarian injustice it practices, Here we emphasize that the Assad regime is tyrannical and that the Al Julani is even more tyrannical, The minimum level of freedom cannot be achieved, whether under severe tyranny or under somewhat mitigated tyranny.
We are not concerned with the sect of the ruler as long as the rule is civil and not religious, Civil rule can sometimes be tyrannical and oppressive, but religious rule can only be tyrannical and oppressive, Civil rule may fail to achieve progress, but religious rule can only lead to regression, given that Arab Bedouin groups are inherently tyrannical, Therefore, these traits must be changed through renewal. Consequently, progressive rule must possess the capacity for radical renewal, Has the Assad regime been able to achieve radical renewal, or will the Al Julani regime be able to achieve radical renewal? The Al Julani regime is traditional and does not believe in renewal, and the Assad regime, emanating from religion and from “great” Arabism, does not believe in renewal despite the false label of secularism it has plastered on its forehead, The culture of everyone, individuals and authorities alike, was tyrannical, and the impact of the Assad regime and the Al Julani regime was, unfortunately, an exacerbation, not a solution or renewal!
The need to address the sectarian injustice of theAl Julani and the Assad regime’s sectarian justice stems from the fact that they are systems that govern, impose, and change groups of people according to their desires, moods, and worldly interests, If they were not, as mentioned, in reality, on the seat of power, they would have no importance, In general, sectarian justice is no less sectarian than sectarian injustice, That is, the Al Julani and the Assad regime both represent the greatest danger to society, which has afflicted other groups, such as the Lebanese groups practicing what is called sectarian justice, The Assad regime also represented it in something somewhat different from sectarian justice in Lebanon. The only difference was the “openness” of the quota system, which is prohibited under the most severe punishment in Assad’s Syria, while it is allowed to be open in Lebanon. In Lebanon, which is riddled with quotas and has been exposed to many wars because of them, the issue of quotas can be discussed frankly, without ambiguity, and without being exposed to security risks.
Speaking about the sectarian injustice perpetrated by the Al Julani fraught with dangers, depending on the speaker. A Al Julani Umayyad is permitted to speak about Sunnis and the necessity of their control over the country without security risks, while anyone who speaks about the sectarian injustice perpetrated by the Al Julani is surrounded by a ring of dangers, the most significant being accusations of apostasy and its heinous consequences, the existence of which the Al Julani denies. The Al Julani sing the praises of freedom of opinion, the liberation of the country, and the prosperity and abundance that the Syrian people will supposedly enjoy, awaiting investments worth tens, even hundreds, of billions of dollars announced daily, none of which have materialized so far. The Al Julani have thrived on the crimes of the Assad regime, and this dependence is no longer easy, especially after the Al Julani proved in the past twenty months to be even more criminal than the Assad regime, The prosperity promised to the people has turned out to be the opposite, as have the freedoms. The Al Julani have surpassed the Assad regime in committing murders under torture, then in perpetrating massacres and fragmenting the country, We know of not a single point of improvement that the Al Julani can boast about compared to the Assad regime, The Assad regime, for example, holds some of its henchmen accountable for the crimes they committed, such as kidnapping girls, assassinations, thefts, imposing the hijab( vile), the issue of schools and curricula, then corruption, the power of sheikhs in ministries, and so on.
If the regime is considered sectarian because it represents one sect, then the Assad regime cannot be considered representative of a sectarian regime, as it is composed of several sects, unlike the Al Julani , which is composed of one sect, But could the Assad regime have continued if it had not relied mainly on a particular sect? Therefore, the Assad regime is sectarian, as what was important in the regime was continuity, which extended for half a century for the Assad regime, while the Al Julani will not be able to continue for half a century, The reason is that the Assad regime is more “participatory” than the monopolistic Al Julani. Participatory is strength and monopolistic is weakness.
Regarding continuity, the opposite may occur, because what is important for the deeply rooted local religious culture is not the tyranny of the regimes, but rather the religious nature of the regimes, The sectarianism of the regimes is not a “crime,” but rather “civilization” is, since the dichotomy of disbelief versus religion is the criterion for the quality of governance, Hence, Sadat was given the title of the pious president, another the devout president, and a third the title of the believing president, indicating the priority of religion over everything else, As long as the president is pious and from the lineage of the son of Abdullah, his tyranny has no value, Tyranny and hunger are fate and destiny and a kind of divine wisdom, which the believer must accept without any objection or question: Obey me and do not question!
In some countries of the so-called Arab region, there are things that are declared but not practiced, and things that are practiced but not declared,There is a fake, undeclared sectarian quota in some areas, but it is practiced in other areas, The sectarian quota is built on false numerical foundations, as believers are counted, not citizens, The concept of “justice” is inserted into the principle of quotas to divide political power on a sectarian basis that is said to be fair.